The Royal Poll: Continued Vulgar Male dance Inside an Exclusion Zone

The fake democratization of Bhutan has spent its first five years phase. The royal regime having been able to cheat and subdue the mass aspiration has completed the second ‘periodic poll’. The glimpse of the poll campaign already manifested the continuation of royal fascism in the name of democracy. It was witnessed that the candidates were kept in tow by the monarchy and the pro-monarchy ‘election commission’. The wave of interaction carried out by the candidates among the masses reflected nothing other than Drukpa kagyukpa ruling caste chauvinism. The Nepali speaking candidates in the southern districts are compelled to present their commitments in Dzongkha. Interestingly, Kuensel, the reactionary mouth piece reports that some of the candidates could not even read out their Commitments and others faced difficulties. The masses assembled to listening to what the candidates would deliver could not understand the speeches. The Tsangla speaking people in the east too faced similar problem. Despite of being imposed exclusively Dzongkha is neither accepted nor adopted by the masses in multiplicity. People traveled from far and got nothing after they heard irritating cacophony and lethargic murmur in Dzongkha. The commitment speeches became sedative to the oppressed masses. Question arises here; how can the sleeping masses identify and choose their candidates? How can they examine the essence of the ‘democracy’? In fact the masses of many nationalities like Nepali speaking nationals and Tsangla only heard the speeches, could not listen.

Reading this circumstance, it becomes crystal clear that the royal democracy has nothing to do with the birth rights, civil rights and human rights of the masses. The despotic imposition of Dzongkha has exclusively violated the right to information and the birth rights of the masses in multiplicity to communicate in their respective mother tongue/lingua Franca. The languages other than Dzongkha are already excluded in the royal ‘democratization’ process. The fascist constitution (2007) has guaranteed no rights to the different linguistic groups and communities. Rather the privileges (national special rights) are given merely to Dzongkha. Dzongkha has incessantly been granted with the honor of the only national and official language of Bhutan since the origin of monarchy in 1907. The royal constitution has just continued this hegemony of Dzongkha. The oppressed linguistic communities are seriously excluded, marginalized and suppressed. This has resulted in the exclusion of the vast majority of the country’s population. Consequently, the socio-cultural and politico- economic advancement is seriously retarded. There is no chance and more precisely no rights to socio-cultural and economic exchange and amalgamation among different nationalities, ethnic groups and linguistic communities. The socio-cultural assimilation as defined by the ruling elites of Bhutan is nothing but Drukpaization in the name of Bhutanization* via despotic inroads. The ongoing exclusiveness of the royal democracy is the continuation of hundred years long forced assimilation. This indeed is an unscientific and despotic way of assimilation. Assimilation in reality comes along with the full fledged interaction among all the nationalities socio-culturally and politico- economically. It is the socio-cultural amalgamation in the ratio of the advancement of economic basis. Such a concept of assimilation is possible and practicable only in an inclusive political system. But Bhutan’s fake democracy is ridiculously an exclusive system. For no noteworthy change and reform is introduced ‘democracy’ here is nothing but Monarchy. Conventionally, the state power and the supreme portfolio of the state mechanism for the monarch is nothing but his private property which can and should be handed over to his son regardless of who ever may deserve. Besides, the monarchy of Bhutan is in favor merely of the king’s community (ethnic group) i.e. Drukpa/Ngalong exclusively as like other conventional Monarchies. The Wangchuck monarchy is incessantly applying conspiracy theory and despotic inroads to forcefully assimilate the oppressed communities in to Drukpa community. For the very purpose it was during the initial time of its origin the monarchy named Bhutan as ‘Druk’ (the land of Drukpa kagyukpa sect of Mahayana Buddhism exclusively) and Bhutanese people as ‘Drukpa’. This chauvinist vision is unchanged till date. It is nothing but the deliberate exclusive attempt to forcefully convert the national, cultural and religious identity of the oppressed masses in diversity. Otherwise how a country like ours could be named as ‘Druk’ (the land of Drukpa nationals) only because the first conventional king took birth in a Wangchuk family of Drukpa community that occupies a small portion of the country’s population?

The nature of Drukpa ruling caste chauvinist exclusiveness is unchanged since one hundred years back. There is no any slight reform in its essence despite of the introduction of royal ‘democratization’ in the latest period of time. Rather it is legitimized and enhanced. Restriction to the use of mother tongue/ lingua franca even during the latest poll campaign manifests the naked exclusiveness of the royal democracy. 

One can easily imagine about the socio-cultural and politico-economic height of the masses of the country where the right to information even about the poll campaign and right to expression is limited and suppressed in aforementioned manner. Besides, thousands of Nepali speaking and Tsangla speaking masses are excluded from the election process via arbitrary forfeiture of citizenship, mass exodus and a number of other despotic inroads. There are so many instances of the exclusive essence of the royal democracy. Nevertheless, mainly the language issue in context of poll procedure is discussed   above. Now lets have a glance over the result of the election.    

The ruling party is replaced. Unlike the first election DPT representing the liberal section of the palace lost the election. PDP representing the diehard section of the palace won the election. The election brought about this time, intensified controversies than before. The losing party and the said supporters alleged foul play in the election so as to overthrow the DPT government. It seems that the foul play was deliberately gestured by the royal palace. The use of royal prerogative and politicization of royal armed forces, local government officials and NGOs merely by PDP and not by DPT manifests the discriminatory and biased essence of the palace which has been practicable even among the feudal lords and bourgeois agents. What is noteworthy here is that the election commission and the king did not stop PDP from doing so which is the direct violation of the so called constitution and the election code of conduct. Furthermore, DPT expressed ‘serious doubts’ in ballot stuffing, rationally claiming that some local representative leaders were not allowed to witness the closing of electronic voting machines. These and other grievances seen among the politicians, writers, journalists and the masses manifest the increasing contradiction among the ruling elites. It shows the enhanced ideological crisis in the state power which undoubtedly is a symptom of the inevitable revolution resulting in the collapse of the existing semi-feudal and semi-colonial structure of the Bhutanese society. But the losing party in the election cannot and will not bring about the revolution, though it seems to be victimized and ill treated this time in the royal poll. Revolution indeed demands the leadership of a revolutionary class and its political fore-runner i.e. a revolutionary party. We have seen that DPT has accepted the job of opposition after expressing menace for time being. The wrangle between DPT and PDP is only their misunderstanding and of course, the reflection of contradiction between liberal and diehard section of the palace to some extent.  Jigme Y. Thinley the DPT president expected ridiculously to continue to be the ruling prime minister for the second term by eulogizing  ‘gross national happiness’ (GNH) doctrine of the forth king on one hand and by establishing ‘progressive relationship’ with China on other hand. Innocently, he could not understand that ‘GNH’ and ‘progressive relationship with China’ are two hostile factors for ‘GNH’ on its own is of no meaning without India’s blessings and India prefers no progressive relationship between Bhutan and China. That is why  India intervened in the election process there by stimulating Trashichodzong palace. As a result, the palace blessed its diehard section owing to which PDP won the election. The Indian intervention this time is criticized and opposed in an unprecedented way though not to a satisfactory level. The said DPT supporters and independent intellectuals, writers and journalists opposed Indian intervention and ill motive. This is the positive change in the intellectuals’ way of thinking that they are realizing that Indian expansionism is the threat to Bhutan’s sovereignty. Yes, Indian expansionism is the main external threat to Bhutan and Bhutanese people. Intellectuals and the broad masses should realize that Indian expansionism has incessantly been applying the series of plots to Sikkimize Bhutan. The mass exodus in 1990s, the fake democratization after 2007 and putting an end to the annual compensation of the lease hold land of eighteen daurs in 2007 are the latest major anti-national stances of the fascist monarchy which are undoubtedly gestured by Indian expansionism. All these are interrelated with the indifferent tendency of the palace and India towards the refugee repatriation. Besides, the defense of Bhutan is vested largely in the hands of India. Indian troops have already encamped with in Bhutan’s soil. As like in Sikkim India has weakened step by step Bhutan’s potentials to defend any external attack up on her sovereignty and territorial indivisibility. Backing the palace India plotted and stimulated the mass exodus there by disintegrating the national strength and people’s unity. The India’s hold in military forces and defense is enhanced which resembles the replay of what happened in Sikkim owing to not having an independent and sovereign military force and defense policy. As like in Sikkim India is backing the palace till date.  The latest scenario shows that India is looking for the appropriate time and circumstance to come so that she could smash the palace finally and Sikkimize Bhutan completely as in the case of Sikkim. This external threat seems to be more dangerous when we clearly see that the royal palace of our country is blind devotee of Indian expansionism. When we read the series of events from very origin of the monarchy and especially from the entry of Indian troops to handing over the eighteen daurs territory to India for good there by putting an end to the annual compensation  in 2007 and then from mass exodus to the introduction of fake constitution and fake democracy, we can conclude that the major internal threat to Bhutan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is one hundred years old fascist monarchy gestured and directed by Indian expansionism. This is what the intellectuals and the broad masses of Bhutan need to realize. Our intellectuals have started realizing the Indian threat. This means they are now being conscious on national independence. Democracy and national independence are indeed two sides of a same coin. Now, if we talk about external threat to our country we should not forget to think of its internal threat. And yes, the Wangchuck family regime is the major internal threat which is gestured and directed by Indian expansionism. Without realizing this fact, Bhutanese people can neither achieve real democracy nor national independence. Therefore, it is essential to overthrow despotic monarchy along with the fake democracy to ensure protection from both internal and external threat. The latest series of events including royal poll have proved the very truth of the essentiality of revolution.    

To conclude, as like the so called democracy and the first poll, the latest poll process has been an exclusion zone where the royal regime has continued the demonstration of the vulgar male dance in the name of democracy. Normally democracy and democratic poll means something that is comprehensively inclusive. But the royal regime created an exclusion zone to discard and discourage inclusiveness and to promote exclusiveness. The only positive effect of this shameful male dance is that it has created a rational circumstance for the masses to realize that ‘democracy’ with monarchy is merely a monarchy and not democracy indeed. Furthermore, masses should be conscious to recognize that royal monarchy and Indian expansionism are major enemies of Bhutan and Bhutanese masses of people.              

        

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*The term Bhutanization used here is not as same as what it means in the South Asian regional politics. It indeed refers to an exclusionist policy put forward by the forth king of Bhutan so as to forcefully assimilate the masses in diversity into Drukpa/Ngalong i.e; ruling cast. According to ‘Bhutanization’ doctrine one should be a Drukpa socio-culturally and even by his/ her dress code and language to be a Bhutanese.  

                                         By:  Vikram

                                    Act. General Secretary

                                            CPB (MLM)